I would like to congratulate the International
Monetary Fund and Monetary Authority of Singapore for holding this Second High
Level Seminar on Asian Financial Integration. This forum provides a good opportunity
for all of us to exchange notes, ideas and views on the continuously evolving
texture of the international financial architecture, particular as it affects
Asia and as Asian financial growth itself impacts the rest of the world. The
international financial landscape today is clearly much more complex than it
has been in previous decades. In each of our countries monetary policy making
has become a delicate balancing act between the imperatives of domestic economic,
financial and monetary concerns and the evolving international situation that
we have to observe closely on a real time basis and to take it as a given. The
rapid changes that technological change, financial innovation and globalisation
have brought to financial markets are also forces at work that have to be taken
account of. We are all living through interesting times, but our job as central
bankers is perhaps to make the world less interesting through the implementation
of policies that ensure monetary and financial stability!
Indian economic reforms that have been in process
now for a decade and a half seem to have propelled us to a higher growth path
of 8 per cent plus GDP growth. Our challenge in monetary policy making now is
to ensure that such a growth path can be preserved, or further accelerated,
while we provide a macro-economic environment that is characterised by monetary,
price and financial stability. As I will document further, among the changes
that we have gone through in the last decade and a half, a key transformation
is the increasing openness of the Indian economy. Within that, our economic
relationships with the rest of Asia are also intensifying through sustained
expansion in trade and hence in financial relationships as well. Given the emerging
economic demographics in the world, and the shifting economic weight towards
Asia, we are very conscious of the need for increasing integration in Asia and
how our own role will evolve in the coming years.
Each of the Asian countries has experienced
significant changes in the operation of monetary policy in an open economy framework
in recent years. Whereas we do face many similar problems, particularly through
the impact of international developments such as the international crude oil
price hikes, domestic developments continue to carry greater weight in most
of our economies in our monetary and macro-economic management approaches. I,
therefore, thought that the best thing that I can do today to facilitate discussion
is to provide a brief description and evaluation of India's experience as we
have implemented significant structural changes in the framework of monetary
and exchange rate management in an increasingly market oriented and open economy.
I. Changes in the Monetary Policy Framework
In the aftermath of a balance of payments crisis
in 1991, stabilization was undertaken simultaneously with structural reforms
over wide areas of the Indian economy. This dramatic change in context fundamentally
altered the manner in which monetary policy began to be formulated.
First, given the reality of multiple goals assigned
to the monetary authority, the achievement of macroeconomic and price stability
received greater emphasis. Thus the overall objective has had to be approached
in a flexible and time variant manner with a continuous rebalancing of priority
between growth and price stability, depending on underlying macroeconomic and
financial conditions. As we observed the severe costs of financial instability
elsewhere, financial stability has ascended the hierarchy of monetary policy
objectives since the second half of the 1990s. Strong synergies and complementarities
are observed between price stability and financial stability in India. Accordingly,
we believe that regulation, supervision and development of the financial system
remain within the legitimate ambit of monetary policy broadly interpreted.
Second, the operating framework of monetary
policy underwent a transformation during the 1990s. A variety of administered
interventions in interest rates and bank credit flow characteristic of the 1970s
and 1980s gave way in the early 1990s to a brief period of broad monetary policy
rules or ‘monetary targeting with feedback’. From the second half of the 1990s,
the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) switched to a multiple indicator approach in
which high frequency and low frequency indicators are tracked and the information
used to draw policy perspectives.
Third, the growing market orientation of monetary
policy has tilted the choice of instruments decisively from direct to more indirect
and market-based monetary policy measures. On the eve of reforms, statutory
pre-emptions in the form of cash reserve ratio (CRR) and statutory liquidity
ratio (SLR) requirements locked away nearly 70 per cent of bank deposits, severely
eroding the profitability of the financial system and effectiveness of monetary
policy. The SLR was brought down from 38.5 per cent of net demand and time liabilities
(NDTL) in early 1992 to 25 per cent in mid -1994. The CRR has been progressively
reduced to 5 per cent from 15 per cent in 1991.
Fourth, interest rate deregulation was
initiated across different segments. In September 1990, all sector-specific
and use specific interest rate prescriptions were abolished except for loans
below Rs.200,000 which were subject to a minimum rate prescription. In October
1994, the minimum rate prescription was withdrawn and the lending rates of banks
were made free subject to the setting of the prime lending rate (PLR). In 2003,
banks were advised to announce a benchmark PLR to transparently reflect actual
cost of funds. At present, banks enjoy the flexibility of pricing loans and
advances using market benchmarks and time varying spreads in an objective and
transparent manner. Interest rates on a number of loans and advances, including
advances for acquiring residential properties, purchase of consumer durables
and the like are determined without reference to the benchmark PLR. Although,
savings bank deposit rates continue to be regulated, by 1995, rates on term
deposits with maturities of over two years were freed. In the following year,
rates on deposits of over one year maturity were freed. By October 1997, the
ceiling on rates on deposits of thirty days to one year maturity period was
removed. Currently, deposit rates for all maturity are free and the minimum
maturity period for term deposits has been reduced to 7 days by 2004. Banks
can offer differential rates of interest on wholesale domestic term deposits
different from those offered on the retail domestic term deposits. Interest
rate ceilings on export credit in foreign currency and non-resident deposits
are prescribed but they are transparently linked to international interest rates.
The Reserve Bank provides information on its website on the range of deposit
rates and lending rates.
We, thus, made a carefully calibrated transition
from an administered interest rate regime to one of market determined interest
rates over a period of time, while minimising disruption and preserving financial
stability. This approach also provided market participants adequate time to
adjust to the new regime.
Interest rate deregulation is essential to smoothen
the transmission channels of monetary policy and enhance the signaling effects
of policy changes. However, some rigidities remain in certain segments hindering
the overall efficiency of interest rates in resource allocation. In this context,
administered interest rates fixed by the Government on a number of small saving
schemes and provident funds is of special relevance as they generally offer
a rate higher than corresponding instruments available in the market as well
as tax incentives. As banks have to compete for funds with small saving schemes,
the rates offered on long-term deposits mobilized by banks set the floor for
lending rates at a level higher than would have obtained under competitive market
conditions. In fact, this has been observed to be a factor contributing to downward
stickiness of lending rates, which has some implications for the effectiveness
of monetary policy. This is a reality that we have to appreciate and live with
given the absence of social security coverage and adequate safety nets in the
country. These small savings schemes administered by the government through
the wide reach of post offices, and some through commercial banks, provide small
savers access tax savings instruments that are seen as safe and stable. Whereas
they do have some impact in terms of blunting monetary transmission mechanisms,
they can perhaps be seen as contributing to overall financial stability. Benchmarking
these administered interest rates to market determined rates has been proposed
from time to time. Whereas some rationalisation in schemes has indeed been done,
more progress will depend on the emergence of better social security and pension
systems, and perhaps easier access to marketable sovereign instruments.
Finally, all sector-specific refinance facilities
have been phased out except export credit refinance. A liquidity adjustment
facility (LAF) consisting of repo / reverse repo in government securities has
emerged since June 2000 as the main operating instrument of monetary policy.
The LAF serves two objectives. First, it has provided greater flexibility in
addressing day-to-day liquidity mismatches. Second, it sets a corridor for overnight
market interest rates, imparting stability in the market. The LAF rates serve
as tools for liquidity management as well as signalling of interest rates. The
effectiveness of LAF has has perceptibly improved the efficacy of monetary policy
transmission.
The evolution of autonomous monetary policy
in the 1990s also depended on the effective removal of fiscal dominance that
had existed earlier through the automatic monetisation of fiscal deficits. Over
the period 1994-97, this subvention was phased out by agreement between the
government and the RBI, marking a unique milestone in monetary–fiscal coordination.
Another important institutional change was the freeing of the RBI’s balance
sheet from the burden of exchange guarantees accumulated in the pre-reform era.
Legislative amendments have been carried out,
first in 2000 and now in 2006, to strengthen RBI's regulatory jurisdiction over
financial markets in terms of the operations of the forex, money and government
securities markets. These legislative changes are expected to empower the RBI
in terms of instrument independence and hence the effectiveness of monetary
policy. In terms of process, we are also proceeding towards greater transparency
and consultation, while increasing the frequency of policy reviews from semi-annual
to quarterly. Alongside this enhancement in accountability we are also attempting
greater transparency in communicating monetary policy. Going forward, the key
issue, given the institutional empowerment, is the speed and quality of the
transmission of monetary policy impulses. This is the subject matter of the
following section.
II. Monetary Transmission
Consistent with these structural changes in
the monetary policy framework, improvements in the channels of transmission
emerged early on as a concurrent objective in order to enhance policy effectiveness.
Accordingly, the RBI simultaneously undertook the development of the domestic
financial market spectrum, sequenced into the process of deregulation of interest
rates, the withdrawal of statutory pre-emptions, the qualitative improvement
in monetary-fiscal coordination and the progressive liberalisation of the exchange
and payments regime, including the institution of a market oriented exchange
rate policy. The development of financial markets in India encompassed the introduction
of new market segments, new instruments and a sharper focus on regulatory oversight.
The Indian money market was fairly underdeveloped
till the mid-1980s; dominated by the overnight segment with a narrow base, limited
number of participants and administered interest rates since December 1973.
In 1987, participation was widened on the lending side and institutions were
set up as market makers for the orderly development of the market. Select institutions
were allowed to borrow from the money market on a term basis and the ceiling
on interest rates was withdrawn in 1989. New instruments like Certificates of
Deposit (CDs) and Commercial Paper (CP) were introduced in 1989 and 1990 and
interest rates on money market instruments became progressively market determined.
In 1998, the RBI initiated a process of developing the overnight money market
into a pure interbank market. The phasing out of non-banks from the money market
was sequenced over the period 2000-05. Non-banks (except PDs who are allowed
to operate in the overnight market) have largely migrated to the new collateralised
markets which were developed in consonance. Non-banks can now take recourse
to collateralised repos outside the RBI for purposes of borrowing and lending
of funds. An innovative money market instrument called the Collateralised Borrowing
and Lending Obligation (CBLO) was introduced in January 2003, which provides
investors the benefit of guaranteed settlement and an exit option before maturity.
Trading volumes in the collateralised money markets have increased substantially.
Technological upgradation has accompanied the development of the money market.
Efforts are currently underway to introduce screen-based negotiated quote-driven
dealings in call/notice and term money markets. Information on overnight rates
and volumes would be disseminated by the RBI in order to enable market participants
to assess the liquidity conditions in an efficient and transparent manner.
The Indian foreign exchange market has been
widened and deepened with the transition to a market-determined exchange rate
system in March 1993 and the subsequent liberalisation of restrictions on various
external transactions leading up to current account convertibility under Article
VIII of the Articles of Agreement of the International Monetary Fund in 1994.
Since the mid-1990s, banks and other authorised entities have been accorded
significant freedom to operate in the market. Banks have been allowed freedom
to fix their trading limits and to borrow and invest funds in the overseas markets
up to specified limits. They have been allowed to use derivative products for
hedging risks and asset-liability management purposes. Similarly, corporates
have been given flexibility to book forward cover based on past turnover and
are allowed to use a variety of instruments like interest rates and currency
swaps, caps/collars and forward rate agreements. The swap market for hedging
longer-term exposure has developed substantially in recent years. A number of
steps have also been taken to liberalise the capital account covering foreign
direct investment, portfolio investment, outward investment including direct
investment as well as depository receipt and convertible bonds, opening of Indian
corporate offices abroad and the like. In recent years, the Reserve Bank has
delegated exchange control procedures to banks and authorised dealers to such
an extent that there is hardly any need to approach the Reserve Bank for any
approval. These reforms are being reflected in vibrancy in activity in various
segments of the foreign exchange market with the daily turnover over US $ 33
billion (as at the end of April 2006).
The government securities market was moved to
an auction-based system in 1992 to obtain better price discovery and to impart
greater transparency in operations. This was a major institutional change which,
along with the freeing of the money and foreign exchange market and the phasing
out of automatic monetisation of fiscal deficits, created a conducive environment
for the progressive deregulation that was to follow. The setting up of well
capitalised Primary Dealers (PDs) for dealing in Government securities followed
in 1995, backed up by the introduction of Delivery versus Payment (DvP)
for Government securities, adoption of new techniques of floatation, introduction
of new instruments, particularly Treasury Bills of varying maturities and repos
on all Central Government dated securities and Treasury Bills of all maturities
by April 1997.
It may be mentioned that since April 1992, the
entire Central Government borrowing programme in dated securities has been conducted
through auctions. In 2005 the Reserve Bank has put in place an anonymous
order matching system to improve price discovery, and settlement procedures
for mitigating risks. To further activate trading and improve the depth of the
securities market, the introduction of a "when issued" market has also been
announced recently. All these measures have brought about significant changes
and a new treasury culture is developing, contributing to the formation of the
term structure of interest rates. The demand for government securities is now
driven more by considerations of effective management of liquidity rather than
by statutory liquidity requirements. Efforts are being made to improve the retail
holding of government securities since the Government securities market still
lacks in depth and is dominated by banks and financial institutions often exhibiting
uni-directional perceptions about liquidity. To attract retail participation
in government securities market, one of the foremost tasks ahead is to create
an environment that provides a safe and secure investment avenue for small investors
with adequate returns and liquidity. In this context, the RBI is emphasising
the provision of demat holding facility for non-institutional retail/small investors
for risk mitigation in scrip losses or settlement of deals in the secondary
market. Non-competitive bidding has also been introduced since January 2002
for direct access to the primary issues for non-sophisticated investors.
The corporate debt market in India has been
in existence since independence in 1947. It was only since the mid - 1980s,
however, that state owned public enterprises (PSUs) began issuing bonds. In
the absence of a well functioning secondary market, such debt instruments have
remained highly illiquid and unpopular among the investing population at large.
Corporates continue to prefer private placements to public issues for raising
resources. The dominance of private placement can be attributed to several factors,
viz., ease of procedures and operation of private placement, considerably
higher costs of public issues, and higher subscriptions for private placements.
Financial institutions have tended to dominate public issues in the primary
corporate debt market. The secondary market for corporate debt has suffered
from lack of market making resulting in poor liquidity, and a tendency on the
part of institutional investors to hold securities to maturity and consequent
reduction in market supply of securities.
Several measures have been taken in the recent
past to transform the corporate debt market in India. Some of these measures
include de-materialisation and electronic transfer of securities, rolling settlement,
introduction of sophisticated risk management, trading and settlement systems.
Towards the end of 2003, steps were also taken to reform the private placement
market. All these measures are expected to improve the functioning of the corporate
debt market in India. It needs to be recognised, however, that it has been difficult
to develop the corporate bond market everywhere. Just under half the world’s
corporate bond market is in the US, and another 15 per cent in Japan. Among
other countries, the UK has a long standing bond market, but the European one
is still developing. Among developing countries, it is perhaps only South Korea
that has a reasonably well developed bond market. The corporate debt market
in India has a large potential to raise resources particularly for infrastructure
projects, housing and for corporate and municipal needs. Appropriate institutional
processes, development of various market segments including for mortgage – backed
securities and bond insurance institutions for credit enhancement, easing cost
and abridgment of disclosure requirements for listed companies, rating requirements
for unlisted companies, a suitable framework for market making, consolidation,
centralized data base on primary issues for wider public information, real time
trade reporting system for dissemination of information, access to RTGS and
state of the art technology would provide a strong impetus for corporate bond
markets to grow in India.
A key area of emphasis in the development of
financial markets in India is the provision of the appropriate technological
infrastructure for trading, clearing, payment and settlement. Since the late
1990s, the establishment of a modern, robust payments and settlement system
consistent with international best practices has emerged as an important objective
of the RBI. A three-pronged strategy of consolidation, development and integration
is pursued in this regard. Consolidation revolves around strengthening the existing
payment system by providing the latest levels of technology. The developmental
dimension includes real time gross settlement, centralised funds management,
securities settlement and structured financial messaging. Other key elements
in the technological content of market development are electronic clearing (introduced
in 1994), electronic finds transfer (1996), quick funds transfers with centralized
settlement in Mumbai (2003), negotiated dealing system (NDS), screen based order
matching system (2002) for electronic reporting of trades and online dissemination
system and submission of bids for primary issuance of government securities
and a Clearing Corporation of India Ltd. (CCIL), promoted by banks, financial
institutions and primary dealers for clearing and settlement of trades in foreign
exchange, government securities and other debt instruments, commenced operations
in April 2001. The CCIL acts as a central counterparty (CCP) to all transactions
and guarantees settlement of trades executed through its rules and regulations
eliminating counterparty risks in adherence to international best practices.
Oversight over the payments and settlement system is vested in a National Payments
Council, and Board for Payment and Settlement Systems established within the
RBI.
As may be seen from this brief description
of the various measures that had to be taken to develop the market and institutional
framework for efficient monetary policy transmission, development of markets
is an arduous and time consuming activity that requires conscious policy making
and implementation. Markets do not develop and function overnight: they have
to be created, nurtured and monitored on a continuous basis before they start
functioning autonomously.
III. Exchange Rate Management
The regime shift in the conduct of exchange
rate management in India that occurred in the early 1990s had a significant
impact on the monetary policy framework. Coincidentally, the 1990s were characterised
by bouts of currency turmoil and contagious financial crises in many parts of
the world, developing, transitional and developed alike. Monetary policy became
increasingly complex. For the majority of developing countries, including those
in the Asian region, which continue to depend on export performance, appropriate
exchange rate determination is of great importance as volatility imposes significant
real effects in terms of fluctuations in employment and output and the distribution
of activity between tradeables and non-tradeables, fluctuations that are difficult
to absorb in such economies. In the fiercely competitive trading environment
where countries seek to expand market shares aggressively by fiercely compressing
margins, volatility in the exchange rate can easily translate ex ante
profits into ex post losses along with the deleterious collateral impact
on employment and economic welfare. The determinants of exchange rate behaviour
however, seem to have altered dramatically. Earlier, factors related to changes
in merchandise trade flows and the behaviour of commodity price inflation were
well understood and provided guidance for operating monetary policy. In this
environment, monetary policy principally targeting low inflation was consistent
with exchange rate changes under purchasing power parity. These traditional
anchors of understanding have been swept away by the vicissitudes of capital
movements, with currencies often moving far out of alignment of the traditional
fundamentals. Moreover, it now appears that expectations and even momentary
reactions to the day’s news are often more important in determining fluctuations
in capital flows and hence it serves to amplify exchange rates volatility.
Furthermore, the liquidity impact of capital
flows has become an even more important problem for monetary management than
it was the case hitherto. The globalisation of financial markets, even if imperfect,
has now magnified the impact of monetary policy actions taken in one country
on others. The policy accommodation pursued until recently by the US had a global
impact, affecting the rest of the world with an abundance of liquidity. Low
interest rates in the US have encouraged capital to flow into emerging market
economies. This has resulted in a large build-up of foreign exchange reserves
and excessive domestic liquidity in many countries in Asia, amplifying the Fed’s
policy stance. Complicating the environment of monetary and exchange rate management
further, there is now increasing evidence that exchange rate pass-through to
domestic inflation has tended to decline from the 1990s across a number of countries.
Inflation has turned out to be much less sensitive to exchange rates but has
tended to equilibrate around the globe (Mohan, 2005).
In India, the exchange rate regime up to 1990
is best described as an adjustable nominal peg to a basket of currencies of
major trading partners with a band. After the balance of payment crisis of 1991
a two-step downward adjustment in the exchange rate was undertaken in July 1991
and then followed by a transitional 11-month period of dual exchange rates before
a market-determined exchange rate system was set in place in March, 1993. Since
then, the exchange rate is largely determined by demand and supply conditions
in the market. The exchange rate policy in recent years has been guided by the
broad principles of careful monitoring and management of exchange rates with
flexibility, without a fixed target or a pre-announced target or a band, while
allowing the underlying demand and supply conditions to determine the exchange
rate movements over a period in an orderly way. Subject to this predominant
objective, the exchange rate policy is guided by the need to reduce excess volatility,
prevent the emergence of destabilising speculative activities, help maintain
adequate level of reserves, and develop an orderly foreign exchange market.
The Indian market, like other developing countries markets, is not yet very
deep and broad, and can sometimes be characterised by uneven flow of demand
and supply over different periods. In this situation, the Reserve Bank
of India has been prepared to make sales and purchases of foreign currency in
order to even out lumpy demand and supply in the relatively thin forex market
and to smoothen jerky movements. However, such intervention is not governed
by a predetermined target or band around the exchange rate. As the foreign exchange
exposure of the Indian economy expands, the role of such uneven demands can
be seen to reduce. While it is not possible for any country to remain completely
unaffected by developments in the international exchange markets, fortunately
we were able to keep the spillover effects of the Asian crisis to a minimum
through constant monitoring and timely action, including recourse to strong
monetary measures, when necessary, to prevent the emergence of self-fulfilling
speculative activities (Mohan, 2005).
The experience with capital flows has important
lessons for the choice of the exchange rate regime. The advocacy for corner
solutions – a fixed peg without monetary policy independence or a freely floating
exchange rate retaining discretionary conduct of monetary policy – is distinctly
on the decline. The weight of experience seems to be tilting in favour of intermediate
regimes with country-specific features, without targets for the level of the
exchange rate and exchange market interventions to fight extreme market turbulence.
In general, emerging market economies have accumulated massive foreign exchange
reserves as a circuit breaker for situations where unidirectional expectations
become self-fulfilling.
Recent information suggests that India’s integration
with the world economy is getting stronger, with implications for the conduct
of exchange rate policies in the future. Trade in goods (i.e., exports plus
imports) as a proportion of GDP increased from 14.6 per cent in 1990-91 to 28.9
per cent in 2004-05; while gross current account receipts and payments as percentage
of GDP increased from 19.4 per cent to 45.0 per cent over the same period, reflecting
the growth in buoyant Indian trade in services. Correspondingly, in the capital
account, gross flows (total inflows plus outflows) have doubled as a
proportion of GDP: from 12 per cent in 1990-91 to 24 per cent (US$ 167 billion)
in 2004-05. Thus, the Indian economy is substantially exposed to the international
economy and hence increasingly subject to the vicissitudes of international
financial developments. There is also growing evidence pointing to a distinct
strengthening of India’s balance of payments, benefiting from the equilibrating
properties of a more flexible exchange rate regime. Recent developments in the
balance of payments seem to indicate that the Indian economy is entering an
expansionary phase of the business cycle. A noteworthy feature is the re-emergence
of a current account deficit (CAD) since 2004-05 after a hiatus of three years
of surpluses, preceded by a decade of CADs averaging 1 per cent of GDP. Oil
imports, which account for about a quarter of total imports, have recorded high
growth rates and contributed 47 per cent to the change in the current account
deficit in 2004-05 over the previous year. The elevated levels of international
crude prices that rule currently have affected countries across the globe and
India has been no exception. Apart from the impact of high crude oil price,
the significant growth in merchandise trade deficit in 2004-05 and 2005-06 was
also caused by the sizeable growth in non-oil goods imports, emanating from
capital goods, export-related inputs and a range of intermediate goods all of
which have an intrinsic growth linked character. Besides, the large expansion
in imports is also spurring vigorous export growth. In this sense, the merchandise
trade deficit has acquired a growth leading dimension and is thus a positive
feature of the Indian economy.
As the current account deficit widens, and
we contribute to the unwinding of global imbalances at the margin, we have to
give consideration to the sustainable magnitude of the current account deficit.
This sustainability depends on the perceived stability of capital flows which,
in turn, would be dependent on the assessment of growth prospects of the economy
by foreign lenders and investors. Whereas it is understood that a more open
economy that has access to international capital flows can run a higher current
account deficit than a less open one, our approach to this issue will remain
informed by appropriate caution in the interest of financial stability. The
acceleration in overall growth and the re-emergence of current account deficit
since 2004-05 has been accompanied by a greater degree of openness. The growth
in current payments has been accompanied by healthy growth in current receipts
- in both goods and services, thus providing for some confidence in the sustainability
of current trade patterns and financial stability. Current receipts pay for
up to about 90 per cent of current payments.
Within current receipts, merchandise exports
are being rapidly exceeded in terms of growth rates by software earnings and
a wide variety of business services. Besides, private transfer receipts, comprising
mainly remittances from Indians working abroad, seemed to have acquired a permanent
character and have risen steadily to constitute around 3 per cent of GDP in
recent years, impervious to exchange rate movements. It needs to be mentioned
that oil price increases typically result in higher remittances to India as
well as non-resident deposit inflows in the capital account, producing non-linearity
in the impact of international crude prices on the Indian economy. These factors
strengthen the capability of the Indian economy to sustain higher CADs than
in the past. Net capital flows have regularly exceeded the CAD requirements
by a fair measure, enabling large accretions to the reserves. In fact, the expansion
in the CAD during 2005-06 has masked the strength of the capital flows.
With such an increase in exposure to the
international economy, trade and other current account flows, along with capital
flows, the Indian economy is entering uncharted territory, although a healthy
one from all accounts. We have found that our approach of broad market determination
of the exchange rate, flexibility, combined with intervention as felt necessary,
has served as well so far. As we proceed we feel confident that we continue
in a similar direction in the future, while constantly monitoring the situation
to make any changes that may become desirable.
IV. Dealing with Change
Recent developments have posed testing challenges
to the conduct of monetary and exchange rate management in India as in the rest
of the world. While world GDP growth is well above its long-run average of 3.8
per cent, there is a growing incidence of large systemic shocks. Though price
stability has been maintained in the face of the oil shock, risks loom large
in the form of lagged second order effects of oil price increases, geopolitical
tensions, the probability of disorderly and rapid adjustment of current account
imbalances and the risks emanating from the housing market, particularly when
the cycle turns down. The outlook for the oil economy in the near term appears
to be tilting in favour of higher prices and greater volatility. Global imbalances
widened further during 2005 in an environment of rising interest rates worldwide
and ample liquidity in global financial markets. The current account deficit
of the US surpassed US $800 billion, matched by increased surpluses elsewhere,
particularly in Europe, East Asia and oil-exporting countries. While the deficit
is still increasing, the location of the surplus appears to be changing recently.
The current account surpluses of the oil-exporting countries of the Middle East
are close to those of emerging Asia. Less than a third of the combined current
account surplus of the oil-exporting countries has been reflected in their foreign
exchange reserves, which rose, by about US $ 90 billion in 2005. There are some
indications that the oil surpluses have been deployed in more diversified avenues
through new investment agencies and oil stabilisation funds which could be invested
in assets other than bank deposits. In an environment of above trend growth
in the world economy, unusually low volatility in financial markets and strong
profitability in banking systems in most countries, investors have been prepared
to purchase risky assets at relatively high prices in 2005. Monitoring where
the risk lies has become very difficult for the regulators, due to emergence
of large conglomerates, sophisticated market instruments such as derivatives
and presence of players like hedge funds. In this environment, any volatile
and unpredictable changes in asset prices could become a source of financial
instability. To maintain confidence in the financial system, it is necessary
to prevent shocks from spreading through contagion.
Private capital inflows to emerging market
economies increased in 2005; market access continued to be favourable and external
financing costs dropped sharply. There have been low levels of credit spreads
on bonds issued by emerging markets and companies with low credit ratings, which
are around their lowest levels since 1997. Partly in response to these very
positive borrowing conditions, an increasing number of emerging market countries
have been able to issue long-term debt in their own currency and thereby reduce
foreign currency exposure and rollover risk. Of the major central banks, the
US Federal Reserve has raised its policy rate by 25 basis points each on sixteen
occasions from 1.0 per cent in June 2004 to 5.0 per cent by May 2006. The ECB
and Bank of England are hinting at policy rate increases in the coming months.
Under these conditions, certain stylised
aspects of exchange market behaviour need to be kept in mind while dealing with
monetary and exchange rate management from a medium term perspective. First,
the day-to-day exchange rate movements in the short-run in foreign exchange
markets have little to do with the so-called ‘fundamentals’ or a country’s capacity
to meet its payments obligations, including debt service. Second, in view of
inter-bank activity, which sets the pace in forex markets, transaction volumes
in "gross" terms are several times higher, and more variable, than
"net" flows. Third, developing countries generally have smaller and
localised forex markets where nominal domestic currency values were generally
expected to show a depreciating trend, particularly if relative inflation rates
were higher than those of major industrial countries. In this situation, there
is a greater tendency among market participants to hold long positions in foreign
currencies and to hold back sales when expectations are adverse and currencies
are depreciating, than the other way round when currencies are appreciating
and expectations are favourable. In recent years, exchange rate trends have
been more mixed despite the existence of inflation differentials. Consequently,
we are also seeing change in such behavioural trends. Fourth, the tendency of
importers/exporters and other end-users to look at exchange rate movements as
a source of return without adopting appropriate risk management strategies,
at times, creates uneven supply-demand conditions, often based on "news
and views". A self-sustaining triangle of supply demand mismatch, increased
inter-bank activity to take advantage of it and accentuated volatility triggered
by negative sentiments, not in tune with fundamentals can be set in motion,
requiring quick intervention/response by authorities.
Against this back ground, India’s exchange
rate policy of focusing on managing volatility with no fixed rate target while
allowing the underlying demand and supply conditions to determine the exchange
rate movements over a period in an orderly way has stood the test of time. Despite
several unexpected external and domestic developments, India’s external situation
continues to remain satisfactory. Our experience has also highlighted the importance
of building up foreign exchange reserves to take care of unforeseen contingencies,
volatile capital flows and other developments, which can affect expectations
adversely as the emerging economies have to rely largely on their own resources
during external exigencies (or contagion) as there is no international "lender
of last resort" to provide additional liquidity at short notice on acceptable
terms. Thus, the need for adequate reserves is unlikely to be eliminated or
reduced even if exchange rates are allowed to float freely.
The overall approach to the management of India’s
foreign exchange reserves in recent years has reflected the changing composition
of balance of payments, and has endeavoured to reflect the "liquidity risks"
associated with different types of flows and other requirements. The policy
for reserve management is thus judiciously built upon a host of identifiable
factors and other contingencies. Such factors, inter alia, include: the
size of the current account deficit; the size of short-term liabilities (including
current repayment obligations on long-term loans); the possible variability
in portfolio investments and other types of capital flows; the unanticipated
pressures on the balance of payments arising out of external shocks and movements
in the repatriable foreign currency deposits of non-resident Indians. Taking
these factors into account, India’s foreign exchange reserves are at present
comfortable, although pursuing this policy on a long-term basis raised the issue
of sustainability of such strategy especially under the backdrop of uninterrupted
inflows of foreign capital, optimum sterilization of such flows, appropriate
instrument and cost of pursuing sterilization and associated liquidity management.
In fact, the conduct of monetary policy and management in the context of large
and volatile capital flows has proved to be difficult for many countries.
A key issue facing India admidst these sweeping
winds of change is to work out the policy mix of instruments for liquidity management
consistent with the monetary policy framework and operating procedures. In this
context, the Indian experience with sterilisation and liquidity management is
somewhat unique as compared with the approach followed by some other central
banks in Asia. For instance, central banks in Indonesia, Korea, Malaysia, the
Philippines, and Thailand all sterilised inflows in different ways. The Bank
Indonesia (BI) employed Open Market Operations (OMOs) by issuing its own paper
and also managed its budgetary operations in a way that built up large deposits
with the bank Indonesia. While the Bank of Thailand (BOT) conducted OMOs to
sterilize inflows, central bank bills were used extensively by the Bank of Korea
(BoK) which later used quantitative controls and discounting policies to dampen
domestic credit. Bank Negara Malaysia (BNM) historically deployed government
and other deposits with the central bank to impact monetary liquidity. On the
other hand, China sterilised capital inflows through issuance of central bank
bills apart from using other instruments like reserve requirements, differentiating
prudential treatment of banks based on capital strength, etc.
In the Indian context, sharp shifts in capital
flows and hence in liquidity have marked the period during 2001-06 and can be
explained as partly frictional and arising from seasonal and transient factors
and partly cyclical, associated with the pick up in growth momentum and the
induced demand for bank credit. This has warranted appropriate monetary operations
to obviate wide fluctuations in market rates and ensure reasonable stability
consistent with the monetary policy stance. In fact, the Indian experience illustrates
the tight link between external sector management and domestic monetary management.
What may be small movements in capital flows for the rest of the world can translate
into large domestic liquidity movements distorting market exchange and interest
rates in a developing country. Moreover, the absorption of external savings
is also dependent on the stage of a business cycle that a country may be going
through. In our case, the early years of this decade were characterised by low
industrial growth and hence the absorptive capacity of the country was constrained.
As we have entered an expansionary phase the current account has widened and
the potential for greater absorption has manifested itself. Just as foreign
exchange reserves can act as a shock absorber, on the external front, we had
to look for a parallel liquidity shock absorber for domestic monetary management.
In this context, a new instrument, named
as the Market Stabilisation Scheme (MSS) has evolved as a useful instrument
of monetary policy to sustain open market operations. The MSS was made operational
from April 2004. Under this scheme, which is meant exclusively for liquidity
management, the Reserve Bank has been empowered to issue Government Treasury
Bills and medium duration dated securities for the purpose of liquidity absorption.
The scheme works by impounding the proceeds of auctions of Treasury bill and
Government securities in a separate identifiable MSS cash account maintained
and operated by the RBI. The amounts credited into the MSS cash Account are
appropriated only for the purpose of redemption and / or buy back of the Treasury
Bills and / or dated securities issued under the MSS. MSS securities are indistinguishable
from normal Treasury Bills and Government dated securities in the hands of the
lender. The payments for interest and discount on MSS securities are not made
from the MSS Account, but shown in the Union budget and other related documents
transparently as distinct components under separate sub-heads. The introduction
of MSS has succeeded, in principle, in restoring LAF to its intended function
of daily liquidity management. Since its introduction in April 2004, the MSS
has served as a very useful instrument for medium term monetary and liquidity
management. It has been unwound in times of low capital flows and greater liquidity
needs and built up when excess capital flows could lead to excess domestic liquidity.
Going forward, there will be a continuous need
to adapt the strategy of liquidity management as well as exchange rate management
for effective monetary management and short-term interest rate smoothening.
This issue becomes even more relevant under a freer regime of capital flows.
Global developments are expected to have an increasing role in determining the
conduct of monetary and exchange rate policies in our countries. In an environment
of global convergence, retaining independence of monetary policy may become
increasingly difficult, calling for hard choices in terms of goals and instruments.
V. Financial Integration in Asia: Some Issues
In an era of increasing globalisation, discussion
on monetary policy and exchange rate frameworks cannot be done in isolation.
It is, therefore, pertinent to place the Indian experience in the context of
Asian economic co-operation. Recent years have witnessed an expansion
of the channels of integration within the Asian region, built primarily on strong
macroeconomic performance. Asia accounts for more than 30 per cent of world
GDP and contributes half of global growth. While the Asian Development Bank
placed the aggregate GDP growth for the region at 7.3 per cent in 2004, the
IMF in its World Economic Outlook, projected growth for emerging Asian economies
at 7.3 per cent for the year 2005 too. Inflationary pressures were experienced
in some of the Asian countries during 2004 and 2005, but were moderate in the
context of high growth and oil prices. GDP growth in emerging Asia is driven
by robust export growth as well as strong domestic demand. Sustained rapid growth
in recent years and rising living standards have been accompanied by a dramatic
increase in Asia's shares in world exports and raw material consumption. Clearly,
globalization has had a major impact on Asia’s role in the world economy as
there is an ongoing transformation in the composition of production and trade
with rising comparative advantage globally. In particular, economies with relatively
high wage costs are shifting toward higher value-added products, including services,
within the region. Furthermore, financial flows within the region have become
more significant, intermediating savings within Asia, as well as channelling
them to other parts of the world. The emerging markets of Asia, with their dynamic
and skilled work force, are well placed to take advantage of new technologies
and seize opportunities in the international market place to become a major
engine of growth in the global economy. Strong economic performance has been
accompanied by an accumulation of foreign exchange reserves to build up resilience
against external shocks (Reserve Bank of India, 2006).
As the Asian region has developed, intra Asian
trade has gathered momentum leading to even higher economic integration within
the region. This has been aided by the existence of ASEAN, which has progressively
led to lowering of trade barriers among its member countries. As the ASEAN region
has developed and gained in confidence trade links with the more developed countries
of Japan, China and Korea have also intensified, along with more structured
discussions towards the formation of PTAs and FTAs within the region. While
this trade integration has intensified over time progress on financial integration
has been limited. Understandably, there is now increasing discussion on the
nature and prospects of progressive financial integration commensurate with
degree of economic integration observed in the region.
Although financial integration in Asia is possibly
lagging trade integration, the initiatives taken on this front are getting stronger.
Central bank cooperation in Asia through a network of swaps was formalised in
Chiang Mai Agreement of 2000 among central banks in East Asia. Among others,
this led to two parallel movements – one in South Asia in the form of the SAARC
Initiative and the other in East Asia reflecting the ASEAN+3 Initiative. The
idea of having an integrated financial system so as to provide viable ‘safety
net’ in times of crisis germinated quite strongly. More recently, there has
been some discussion on the adoption of an Asian Currency Unit to avoid the
volatility in intra-Asian currency movements and to create one of the principal
currencies of the world. In this context, it is important to revisit first principles.
India's engagement with South East and East
Asia is also on the upswing. The share of exports to developing Asia in India’s
total exports more than doubled from about 14 per cent in 1990-91 to almost
30 per cent in 2005-06. The corresponding share of the region in India’s imports
also increased from 14 per cent to 21 per cent during this period. In recent
years, China has emerged as a major trading partner for India, accounting for
6.0 per cent of total exports and 7.4 per cent of total imports in 2005-06.
In recognition of this expansion of economic engagement with the rest of Asia,
as Governor Y.V. Reddy had announced at the First IMF-MAS Seminar held here
last year, we have already implemented computation of the new six country real
effective exchange rate (REER) index. This new index introduces two new currencies,
the Remnimbi and the Hong Kong Dollar to supplement the earlier currency basket
that includes the US Dollar, Pound Sterling, Euro, and the Japanese Yen (Reddy,
2005).
In the post-Asian crisis period, several
Asian economies have adopted different types of intermediate exchange rate regimes
with a growing preference for relatively more flexible exchange rates than before.
In this respect, the key issue is how much of such flexibility is envisaged
as optimal? What are the instruments to manage exchange rates? It is also necessary
in this regard to recognize and re-assess the optimal level of ‘insurance’ that
is provided by the foreign exchange reserves that is needed against potentially
volatile and disruptive capital flows. Finally, recent sharp upward movements
in oil prices in an era of heightened uncertainty may evoke differential responses
on account of country-specific factors. It is in this milieu that the pragmatic
choice of instrument of integration in the region has been regional trade agreements,
best viewed as an expression of enlightened self-interest. The move towards
regionalism has been catalyzed by the growing consensus that the enhancement
of public good requires coordinated action and belief in overlapping fortunes.
India has also entered into various regional economic cooperation, free/preferential
trade agreements and bilateral investment treaties with its Asian neighbours.
Drawing from the experience and lessons
of other regional blocks, it is important to take cognizance of certain issues
for successful functioning of cooperative monetary arrangements as envisaged
under any common currency unit. While a single currency has worked well in the
context of the trading bloc centered on the USA, lessons can also be drawn from
the recent experience of monetary and economic integration in Europe. The history
of European monetary integration dated back with the creation of trading bloc
- European Economic Community (EEC) - in 1958, which took the shape of the European
Monetary System (EMS) in 1979 with a fluctuating exchange rate band among member
countries. Currently, there are 12 countries that comprise a common Euro area
(monetary union), although 25 countries constitute the member states of the
European Union (EU). Some of the EU member countries are actively trying to
be the part of the Euro area by fulfilling the four broad convergence criteria
stipulated. The objective of monetary union in the euro area was clearly defined
in the Maastricht Treaty and the primary objective of the European Central Bank
(ECB) is to maintain price stability in the euro area. Price stability was then
defined by the European Central Bank as an inflation rate of below but close
to 2 per cent over the medium-term. The integration was largely facilitated
by an institutional framework that had evolved over more than forty years.
It may be useful to note that in the United
States, which may itself be seen as a large currency area, a single currency
works because of the existence of labour mobility across regions and wage and
price flexibility, within and across regions, i.e., due to real factors which
determine the real effective exchange rate (REER) and long-run competitiveness.
On the other hand, in Europe, introduction of a single currency met with some
resistance due to language and cultural differences that historically limit
labour mobility and wage flexibility. Labor unions are more powerful in Europe
than in the United States, making real wages sticky. Moreover, with product
market competition less intense, European producers are more likely to pass
wage costs to consumers in the form of higher prices. Reflecting these factors,
unemployment in the European countries appears to be more persistent in nature
than in the US. Suffice it to conclude that the jury is still out on the merits
of a common currency as it does reduce the flexibility of an economy to adjust
to real sector changes (as is being seen in Europe). This in turn, can cause
differential effective overvaluation/undervaluation of the currency across different
countries within a currency union and possible erosion of long-term competitiveness
of affected countries.
Relative to the Euro area, the Asian region
exhibits much more pronounced diversity in economic structure, stages of development,
demographic features, social and political systems and even lower mobility of
factors of production, particularly labour. The successful operation of any
currency area is dependent on wage flexibility and labour mobility across regions.
With the existence of a common external exchange rate, effective internal flexibility
in the "exchange rate" for a particular region can be achieved by the lower
or higher wages, as necessary, relative to the rest of the currency area. Equilibration
is then achieved through labour mobility that responds to these inter-regional
wage differences. Furthermore, as has been found in Europe, through the imposition
of the Maastricht criteria, commonality in fiscal conditions across countries
is desirable for effective area-wide monetary policy. Any movement towards greater
monetary and exchange rate cooperation among Asian countries will need to pay
explicit attention to this set of difficult issues.
Meanwhile, there is no doubt that greater
financial cooperation that leads to greater trade facilitation and fosters greater
capital market linkages among Asian countries would be a move in the right direction.
As there is greater variation among Asian countries with regard to the existence
of current account surpluses and deficits, greater capital market linkage through
the development of bond markets, trading and settlement systems and the like,
will enable surplus countries to invest in the deficit countries within the
region. Thus Asian savings would have the potential of being put to use for
fostering growth within the region.
VI. Conclusion
Cooperation among central banks around Asia
is likely to play a key role in nurturing a broad – based mandate for integration.
This has been in evidence as it helps in exchanging views and information on
various subjects of common interests. Central bank cooperation helped in resolving
the Mexican crisis of 1994. The most recent and ultimate form of central bank
cooperation was achieved in 1998 when the European Central Bank (ECB) was created
as the sole authority over monetary policy among its 11 members and with the
creation of a new common currency in January 1999. On the other hand, according
to some experts, central bank cooperation leads to moral hazard and, therefore,
tampering with otherwise efficient market determined exchange rates, trade flows
and general function of the market forces.
Nevertheless, in the context of our region,
central bank cooperation is indispensable. In fact, with improvements in transportation
and communication, some commonality in world view on the operations of the economy,
and enhanced institutional arrangements, central bank cooperation has grown
extensively. The increased degree of global integration and liberalization of
capital movements would serve to be a dominant factor in encouraging cooperation
amongst central banks in our region. Furthermore, a major implication of growing
financial and trade integration, globally as well as within the region, is the
greater susceptibility of monetary policy and exchange rate management to global
factors relative to domestic factors, necessitating increased co-ordination
in macro-economic management. The perceived benefits and costs of economic integration
of a country within a larger region have to be seen in the context of the economy's
resilience to possible shocks in an open economy framework. The ability of a
country to derive benefits from economic cooperation in the presence of volatility
in international capital flows is ultimately contingent upon the quality of
its macroeconomic framework and institutions.
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